Nigeria in the Arts of Nation Seeking, 1983-2022
1: Gratitude
It’s great to be back in Ifẹ̀. My appreciation to the VC, Professor Ògúbọ́dẹdé. I am grateful to the President, Professor Francis Egbokhare, the National Secretary, Professor Ayọ̀bámi Kẹ́hìndé, and other officers of the Nigeria Academy of Letters for the opportunity of this talk. I must also thank, the Chair and Secretary of the Organizing committee of this year’s conference, Professor Akin Àlàó and Professor Mojí Ọlátẹ́jú for the honor of the invitation to address this conference. Professor Àlàó and Professor Ọlátẹ́jú, I believe, will not my mind my saying that we both belonged to a cohort of much younger men and women who trekked up and down the hallways of the 3 Humanities Buildings many decades back; Mojí and I in English/Education, Akin in History. I acknowledge the presence of the Dean of Arts, Professor Gbèmí Adéòtí. I acknowledge as well the presence of two forerunners of language and literary studies in Nigeria, Professors Ayọ̀ Bámgbóṣé and Ayọ̀ Bánjọ. It is a great pleasure to enjoy the company of other colleagues in the type of atmosphere under which we are assembled here today.
There’s one more request I must make, and this is to ask the Academy and this audience to accept my dedicating this talk to the memory of Professor Pius Adébọ́lá Adésanmí (1972-2019), one person whose life was driven, almost to obsessional dimensions, by the desire for a Nigerianness that is different from what it is. Pius Adébọ́lá Adésanmí, who I had the fortune of calling a personal friend and professional interlocutor, died in the fatally mis-engineered Ethiopian Airliner Boeing 737 Max that crashed near Addis Ababa on March 10 earlier this year.
Pius Adébọ́lá Adésanmí (1972-2019) |
2: Preamble & Introduction
3: Caveats & Contexts
A: Ironic Patriotism: Wọlé Ṣóyínká & Túnjí Oyélànà (1983)
B: Sonny Okosuns: “Which Way Nigeria” (1984): Befuddled Patriotism
The dissonance in Okosuns’ song is of a different type. Unlike the Oyelana/Soyinka election campaign, the cadence is very tight with the song stress falling on time to a refrain to which either the body or the foot can respond in rhythm almost without thought. The sweet rhythm smoothly blends basic West African ke-n-ke-le time-keeping beats with Caribbean calypso rhythm. Stomping the ground in protest is the most appropriate, perhaps natural, kinetic response to the Oyelana/Soyinka song. For Okosuns’, swaying pleasantly will be more fitting. While one induces the listener into a lull, the other instigates and agitates.
Both tunes affirm steady love for Nigeria. As an expression of political desire, Okosuns’ sweet song is incoherent though; a lyrical singer sounds sincerely lost in a quandary for direction and resigns tepidly into a prayer at the end, saying “AMEN,” as if the whole performance has been a liturgical conceit. The song decries corruption, condemns get-rich ambitions and schemes, and praises the previous regime’s food production campaign tagged “Green Revolution,” a project that Soyinka/Oyelana ridiculed as thoroughly corrupt. The manner of Okosuns’ befuddled singer throwing up the two hands in resignation is the dominant convention in nation-seeking performances in Nigeria. This scarcely introspective variety of examining Nigerianness typically presents a stylized catalog of inexplicable contradictions from which only the almighty (or some other all knowing force) can save “us”.
C: Sunny Ade’s Dissolution Terror Patriotism: Nàìjíríà Yìí ti Gbogbo Wa Ni (1996)
When this song was released, General Sani Abacha (1943-1998) was in office, and the political tension that threatened to break up the country after the annulment of the 1993 presidential elections remained unresolved. The lyrics are in Yorùbá, King Sunnny Ade’s main performance language. Other verses were rendered in Nigerian pidgin, Hausa, and Igbo.
Following up immediately after the danceable beats of the xylophonic keyboarding of Nigeria’s national anthem in the opening seconds, the following pleas are the first words sang:
Overly orchestrated for dancing, the bouncy, sprightly, music draws attention away from the solemn call of the sung words. Outwardly (if one can speak of space as such in music) the record sounds like an affirmation. But a keen listener would note that it is a dirge that attempts to conceal a loss. The sweet music prances over a lamentable situation of the remains of a fractious, rupturing, family. Notwithstanding the explicit pleas for unity, the collective has run itself into a dead end. The no-exit terror invoked in the song is not quite true.. Other physical locations and new ideas about rules of association are always open to be explored.. It ought to be recalled that Soyinka/Oyelana’s ironic patriotism also speaks of a determination to not leave. But that resolution does not come out of resigning to fate but out of a determination to fight for something different than the prevailing one. In contrast, the only rallying point in Sunny Ade is bare existence. Notions, even inchoate, of how to identify the desired “better naija” are not broached. It does not sound like the bare convergence canvassed in this song will work; people are already bailing out for something other than “this Nigeria,” the one whose preservation Hubert Ogunde advocated in 1968 ( “To Keep Nigeria One”) and which Sunny Ade’s call 3 decades later indicates has failed to materialize. Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú (d. 1997), the late dadakúàdà poet once chanted that “abíniléni kò pé ká fẹ́ràn ara ẹni” (the fact of our having emerged in sequence from one uterus does not dictate that we cohabit) because a nation is not to be discovered but invented. He reasoned further in the same poem that contiguity may not be a reliable measure of safety for those seeking shelter from the hostility of relatives.
D: The Nigeria That Was: Evidence from Literary Figurations
The narration of Shaihu Umar strives for believability. The eponymously titled story is a retrospective, largely first person, account of the life of a universally respected cleric living in Rauta near the city of Bauchi late 1880s to early 1890s. Umar began to tell his life story after being asked by a student in his madrassa to give an account of himself: (i) “from whence you come” and (ii) of his country. Shaihu Umar started thus: “. . . I was a native of this country, but even so, I did not grow and pass my boyhood here. It was far away in the country of the Arabs that I grew up. Long ago I was a native of a certain country near Bida, and the name of our town was Kagara.” (19). Regarding the issue of nation seeking, these opening words cause one to wonder if a moderately talented novelist or filmmaker were to produce a sequel of this story, one that would have descendants of Shaihu Umar living in Ilé-Ifẹ̀ today, those individuals would probably not be able to self-refer truthfully as “natives” of Ilé-Ifẹ̀, although their relatives living in Bauchi or Rauta could. The question may be asked as to why Umar’s descendants living in Bauchi be natives and those in Ifẹ̀ would not be? Perhaps the question should be reframed: “Is Shaihu Umar’s understanding of ‘native’ the same as Balewa’s?” The character’s historical self-understanding may be more flexible than allowed in the country over which the author is a high official.
In Rauta, after having lived in Kano, grown up in Egypt, and also survived a deadly sandstorm in the Sahara, Umar enjoys all the privileges of citizenship, one that was largely defined by Islamic tenets. I will be a less than honest reader if I fail to note that Umar assumes an “outsider” posture when he starts speaking. He identifies as an alien and promises to speak “about my country and my origin, and about my wanderings, and the difficulties I endured before I arrived here in your town” (emphases added). We do not know how long after he arrived in Rauta, shortly after November 1883 (the seventh month, three days before the tenth of Muharram), that Umar retold his tale. But he had built a large following when he recounted the events that became the story. The questioner’s country was not identified. We can deduce nonetheless that Rauta, at least the coterie led by Umar there, was “multinational.”
The first sentence of the biographical section, titled “I am Native of Kagara,” gives us clues as to how to apprehend pre-British era stories of identification in territories that became Nigeria: “Away back (began Shaihu Umar) I was a native of this country, but even so, I dd not grow up and pass my boyhood here.” (19). The narrative reports Umar to have claimed whichever geopolitical entity to which Rauta belongs as his country, although he spent his boyhood days in another, a place described in the next sentence thus: “It was far away in the country of the Arabs that I grew up. Long long ago I was a native of a certain country near Bida, and the name of our town was Kagara” (19). Umar identifies the language and ethnicity of his boyhood country, the place where he was raised with utmost kindness and generosity by a family that adopted him. He never called himself an Arab. As things concern the physical standpoint from which his self-accounting narration proceeds, Umar calls himself a native. But he also names himself a native of Bida. Is Shaihu Umar a Nupe (from Bida)? Probably. Is he Hausa or Fulani? Probably not. Is he Bauchi? His words suggest that he believes he is. Mid-1880s, pre-Nigeria, Balewa’s Shaihu Umar separated ethnicity, residence, and birthplace. These are crucial distinctions that were not co-terminus and which ought to be central to any discussion of Nigerianness.
In Umar’s late 19th century, pre-Nigeria, Bauchi, slave raiding wars ran rampant everywhere except in cities like Sokoto, Kano, Zazzau, Borno, etc, where the proceeds of the blood soaked raids were laundered and then traded. Instability prevailed outside of city walls. Life, revolving around simple homesteads, farms, and markets, was extremely precarious, especially for children and women. People sought justness under the leadership of the local ruler who claimed to have derived his authority from God. Here, then, is another pathway question: should the vestiges of this form of local governance, under the guise of tradition, religion, or culture, be retained or routed completely?
Shaihu Umar’s self-accounting offers pathways and interfaces to consider regarding models of citizenship, belonging, and identifying with a place. Umar’s milieu was very unstable in ways that are not dissimilar to what prevails in ours today, one and a half centuries later: kidnapping, insecurity, and threats of instability was evident. Umar’s father died before he was born. His stepfather got outschemed by rival favor seekers after a slave raiding expedition, and that family was displaced as a direct consequence of kidnapping for money. Balewa blatantly called it slave trade. Umar himself was kidnapped in Kagara and sold in far away Kano to an Egyptian trader who, after adopting him, took him to Egypt where he trained to become a learned cleric.
The novel makes slave raiding and kidnapping causal factors in trade routes disruption, the creation of ruinous environments for legitimate markets, and needless deaths. (I should note as an aside that Balewa’s story bears many similarities with Samuel Ajayi Crowther’s travails earlier in the century, including fortuitous encounters with mothers.) Notwithstanding the instabilities, ancestral birth alone did not define full belongingness everywhere Umar and his kin found themselves: Makau, his stepfather, in Makarfi near Zazzau (Zaria) and Kano, Umar’s unnamed mother in Fatika, Kagara, Makarfi, and Zazzau, or even Umar himself in Kagara, Kano, Ber Kufa (Egypt), and Rauta (near Bauchi). In each place, there are pathways, other than birthways, to belonging.
Individuals were defined primarily by labor status—slaves, farmers, imams, students, and rank in the administrative apparatus. Of course, the story privileges Islamic understanding of worldly being such that sorcery and witchcraft were discouraged and punished. (Umar’s maternal grandfather was accused of witchcraft, and he had to bribe his way to freedom at the emir’s court in Zaria [then Zazzau] where he was held in pretrial custody.) Indeed, allegedly “pagan” communities like the Gwari (who were specifically so described in the story) bore the brunt of the slave raids.
E: Nation Seeking in Genevieve Nnaji’s “Lionheart" (2018)
In the story, Ernest Obiagu’s Lionheart Motors, relying on the potential deal of gaining a concession deal from the government on mass transportation routes, excessively leverages its current assets on bank loans to acquire new vehicles for servicing the anticipated business. The concession plans fail, and the banks move to mitigate their losses. In short, Lionheart loses its financial strength and becomes extremely vulnerable. Obiagu’s heart too breaks medically when he suffers a cardiac infarction during a company board meeting at which he is to announce his brother as the new chair to the disappointment of many that Adaeze, his America-educated daughter and current head of logistics, will be the chosen one. The ensuing struggle to save the hearts of both the company and its founder provides the film’s plot substance.
In Nollywood, as in Nigeria at large, plot and life often take sudden turns for which God (or the devil) is held responsible. (Such is also the case in Umar’s 19th century Rauta created by Balewa.) The plot device is revealing in more ways. First, nothing is left to God in reality, and God functions as the term for hopeful outcome. Second, the hearts of both Obiagu and his company are saved. Third, both Obiagu and Lionheart Motors survive only because the surrounding environment changes. We should spare each other the trouble of the film details and detours and skip to a discussion of the melodramatic resolution, including the melodious music accompaniment. The merger that saves Lionheart Motors consists of companies hitherto rooted in different sections of Nigeria but which has been striving each by itself to extend its reach to other regions. When Makano and Lionheart combined, the southern Nigeria markets opened up to the northern markets, and vice versa. A bigger profit making field emerges. The plot conflict outlines, most economically with Obiagu’s heart attack, the problems with what is good and not so good, about Nigeria. The melodramatic ending that portends a propitious beginning in the near future sets out what ought to be.
F: Nigeria Envy: Wan Luv, Kubolor (2011)
The topics of Kubolor’s critical commentaries exasperate Nigerians as well: how come the Nigerian environment is so poorly managed; with that many university trained personnel why are they not the wealthiest set of immigrants in the US; with so much abundant brilliance, how come their roads fall apart and remain in such terrible disrepair. There is a lot of loathing; a lot of it self-loathing, and self-flagellation. In short, what criticisms can a Fela-wannabe from Accra hurl at Nigeria that the inimitable Fela has not said about his own country!
Conclusion: Ọjà Layé: the Nation is a MarketPlace
Oladipupo Adesina, "Marketplace" |
At the end of Lionheart, Ernest Obiagu (Peter Edochie) keeps his Igbo attire (For me, the natural bilingualism of the movie is its most impressive element because it recognizes the fact of difference in ways that are not impervious to translation or felicitous subtitling.) Makano’s full babaringa does not conflict in any shape or form with the primmer clothing of his hosts, many of whom enjoy pleasures (music, clothing, food, drinks, comportment) that are different from what their parents fancy. For the allegorical reading I am suggesting that the film invites, Nigeria must be configured for profit-making.
To speak directly, “Lionheart” lays out many pathways for Nigerianness—including greedy, hostile takeovers; lying and cheating others on the basis of perceived ethnic stereotypes; deceitful, selfish, manipulation and misuse of state machineries. But the satisfying end—which as I said a moment ago is also a beginning—comes out of honest bookkeeping, arduous confidence building, hopeful wishing, and gender agnostic, conscientious exertion towards building physical byways and pathways. The transportation narrative in “Lionheart” outlines a proverb of the path to follow. Unless immense, active, energies are invested to construct them, God willing or God not willing, there shall be no possibility of success. As they say in Yorùbá language, igbó rèé, ọ̀nà rèé. Here is the bush; here is the path. The most fruitful pathway cannot but include instituting, and defending vigorously, the rights to be of the constituent parts, and securing these with clear, agreed upon, rules of association and exit that are driven by the right of the citizen to ask to be left alone.
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