Skip to main content

Black Thought, Hegel's Burden, and Other Matters

Moyọ̀ Òkédìjí, Before the Amistad


Options for resolving the battle of “consciousness” are three (life, death, or captivity) and not two (life or death). No sane person enters a battle with the intent of getting killed or captured, although the potential for either outcome is not unknown. Warriors risk lives aiming to survive, to capture, or to kill their adversaries. If they end up with captives, the burden of sustaining the life of the unkilled, but defeated, adversary falls on the captor. The warrior that enslaves thus brings upon itself the responsibility of managing a reluctantly living person. Hence, a permanent tension that frequently breaks into outright wars between the master and the enslaved obtains in slaveholding societies. Slavery breeds permanent unrest because the enslaved is constantly attempting to be free of the “normative” circumference instituted at the moment the effort to die was truncated. The master, knowing that the enslaved has no reason to be grateful, issues one draconian regulation after another to prevent the slave’s rebellion, one that will reinstate the war of existence and, perhaps, enable the enslaved to fulfill its “death wish." (Yes, the master devises preoccupations, or instruments of “social death,” that would prevent the enslaved from thinking about restarting the war of captivity.)


Preventing the slave’s literal death, I am saying, is the beginning of mastery. Once lordship is instituted death becomes an anathema to the master. The master is not defined alone by the will to live, as conventional readings of Hegel’s allegory suggest, but by the will to prevent the defeated from dying.


Within slavery, the subjected continues to seek an opportunity to exercise the will to “die,” or, to say the same thing, to be free of the master's lordship. The master is incapable of becoming something else. The enslaved does. Mastery is stasis. For the enslaved, the opportunity to rebel sustains continuation.


The condition of being enslaved is inseparable from the wish to terminate the sham “deferral” of death which the master believes it has earned the power to give and take when the slave is captured. When the inimitable C.L.R. James says that slavery is the cause of slave rebellion, he is not just being curt; he is stating a phenomenological truth that Hegel did not analyze in Lordship and Bondage. The enslaved may be melancholic, as Hegel suggests. It may also be true that the slave’s consciousness entails, as Paul Gilroy surmises, an “extended act of mourning.” The source of the slave’s sadness is the unending regret of the master’s stalling of the slave’s literal death. It is no less true that the motivation for the slave’s death seeking struggle also arises from the anxiety attached to the necessity of resuming literal life.


The alternative captivity milieu being presented here is meant in part to reaffirm the claims of the intellectual tradition that says existence for the enslaved inherently consists of battling against the forces to which its instituted stiffling matters. When Fanon, for instance, applies the Hegelian allegory to chattel slavery, he finds that what the master in the modern Atlantic world seeks from the enslaved "is not recognition but work."


The analysis that imagines the enslaved becoming the master qua master is mistaken. The captivity environment against, and within, which the enslaved fights can accommodate only one master who, once deposed, cannot be replaced and not be called master. Knowing this, the object of the right thinking slave’s striving is always for the elimination of mastery. That is why leaders of slave insurrections often speak in millenarian and apocalyptic terms of a new earth and a new heaven.


If slavery is “social death,” as Orlando Patterson argues, what is slave rebellion? A short and direct answer will be that it is a sure means to “literal death.” But the qualifiers will not let us forget that death is more than the cessation of breath. A more expansive answer should say that the slave’s rebellion is a name given to the path to a revolution (the annihilation of master and slave alike) that has no model. The world sought by the slave rebel, fundamentally a realm without masters and slaves, is always different from the one against which the struggle is launched.


Evidence in modern history indicates that the future never arrives exactly as envisaged. But  that does not mean that striving against normativity is futile. Judith Butler's words offer a way out of inertia: “without a repetition that risks life—in its current organization—how might we begin to imagine the contingency of that organization, and performatively reconfigure the contours of the conditions of life?”

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

One Thought About Textual Beginnings: Ìbà

ÌJÚBÀ or ÌBÀ (noun); JÚBÀ (verb)   The initial gestures rendered to acknowledge authority figures, sacral or secular, to which a performance production owes its textual and institutional provenance constitute the ìjúbà (ìbà). The conventional words and motions thus presented demarcate the commencement of an iteration, pay homage to sources of influence and inspiration, praise past patronages, solicit audience support and understanding, wish failure for opposing will and interests, and outline the production’s goals. HISTORY Two paths stand out in the historical understanding of ìjúbà: one follows the older, text based line in translation manuals and dictionaries, and the other issues from scholarly studies of performance traditions. Although they are more recent and offer longer overviews that extend far back into mythical times, scholarly studies of ìjúbà lean heavily on old traditions recounted in explanations of contemporary enactments, mainly of egúngún and gẹ̀lẹ̀de...

Aṣọ Tòun Tènìyàn

Aṣọ Tàbí Ènìyàn? Lẹ́dà kan, mo gbọ́ pé, aṣọ ńlá kọ́ lènìyàn ńlá. Lẹ́dà kejì wọ́n tún fi yé mi pé aṣọ là ńkí, a à kí ‘nìyàn. (Ẹnu kòfẹ́sọ̀ àgbà kan ni mo tí kọ́kọ́ gbọ́ eléyìí ní nńkan bí ogún ọdún sẹ́hìn.) Èwo ni ká wá ṣe o? Èwo ni ká tẹ̀lé? Èwo ni ká gbàgbọ́. Gbólóhùn méjèèjì ha le jẹ́ òótọ́ bí? Àtakò kọ́ rèé! Ó dá mi lójú pé àfiwé ni gbólóhùn méjèèjì. A tilẹ̀ lè pé wọ́n lówe. Gbogbo wa la sì mọ̀ pé àfiwé kìí ṣe òfin. Àfiwé yàtọ̀ sí ìṣẹ̀dálẹ̀. Òwe kìí ṣe orò. Àfiwé le jẹ́ àbàláyé. Ṣùgbọ́n ọgbọ́n tàbí ìmọ̀ tí àfiwé bá gbéró máa ńyí padà lóòrè kóòrè. Òjó yàtọ̀ sí òjò. Mẹ́táfọ̀ yàtọ̀ sí òtítọ́, bí ó tilẹ̀ jẹ́ pé òtítọ́ lè farasin sínú mẹ́táfọ̀. Ẹ̀ràn yàtọ̀ sí irọ́.   Kò sí ẹ̀dá alààyè àti olóye kankan tí kò mọ̀ pé aṣọ kìí ṣe ènìyàn, tàbí wí pé ènìyàn yàtọ̀ sí aṣọ. Dídá lènìyàn ńdá aṣọ tàbí ẹ̀wù. A kìi dá ènìyàn bí ẹni ńdáṣọ. Ènìyàn lè wọ aṣọ tàbí ẹ̀wù. Èmi kò rò pé aṣọ lè wọ ènìyàn bí è...

Ebenezer Táíwò Adéẹ̀kọ́: 20 Years After & Notes Towards a Memoir

Ebenezer Táíwò Adéẹ̀kọ́ | 1918-2000 My father, E. Táíwò as he was called by many, left his home town at about the age of eight with something like a second grade education in his pocket. I am talking of Òdoláamẹ́sọ̀ of late 1920s to early 1930s. First, he moved to Ìjẹ̀bú Òde (Metropolitan Ìjẹ̀bú) to live with his uncle (the late S.J.O. Òtúbúṣẹ̀n, alias Bàbá Télọ̀) who realized quickly that schooling was not this boy’s thing and sent him further away to Lagos (!) to learn carpentry, one of the newer (historically speaking) building trades. After finishing his apprenticeship successfully and working for a while in Lagos, he followed the call of other relatives to move further away to Kano, in the “land of the Hausa” as we used to refer to Northern Nigeria generally even in my own childhood of the 1960s in south western Nigeria.  At the end of WWII, during which he worked as a rifle carpenter in Kano, he returned south to Ìbàdàn, where he lived the rest of his life....